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⏀ ῳ The Great Revolt: Inside the Populist Coalition Reshaping American Politics free download ῳ The Great Revolt: Inside the Populist Coalition Reshaping American Politics ⚨ Ebook Author Salena Zito ⚳

⏀  ῳ The Great Revolt: Inside the Populist Coalition Reshaping American Politics free download ῳ The Great Revolt: Inside the Populist Coalition Reshaping American Politics  ⚨ Ebook Author Salena Zito ⚳ ⏀ ῳ The Great Revolt: Inside the Populist Coalition Reshaping American Politics free download ῳ The Great Revolt: Inside the Populist Coalition Reshaping American Politics ⚨ Ebook Author Salena Zito ⚳ 1Hidden in Plain SightJefferson, Ashtabula County, OhioIt is 1 45 in the morning and Bonnie Smiths alarm has just gone off That alarm is a reminder that, seven days a week, she is living her lifelong dream of owning a bakery.I come in at two thirty in the morning We start making doughnuts from scratch After that, I go into the breads and pies or whatever I have going outlike right now I need to do cupcakes, and I have a couple pies I have to put out, but I also have to check what orders are going out Then we start soups, and by eleven oclock we start lunch, she explains.At sixty three, she is two years into her second career in the small town of Jefferson, running a Chestnut Street bakery that is a throwback to simpler times pretty pink and green wallpaper decorated with cupcakes surrounds a fireplace and tables and chairs that fill the front of the bakery.By 9 00a.m., already half of her sugar cookies, tea cakes, cream wafers, brownies, mini tarts, and thumbprints are gone With the help of her grandson, a fresh batch of sugary glazed doughnuts makes its way from the kitchen to a tray in the display case.The aroma is irresistible and intoxicating and gently teases the senses.A young mother enters with her three year old daughter, Evelyn, who immediately makes a beeline to the display case filled with colorful cookies and pastries and, with the willfulness and determination only a toddler possesses, plants her face against the case to get a closer look at the cupcake with rainbow sprinkles on top.To the girls delight, Smith hands her the confection, and minutes later Evelyns face and fingers are covered in pink icing The imprint of her little face on the display casea smudged outline of a tiny nose and lipsmakes Smith smile broadly.As Smith started making soup for the anticipated lunch crowd, the diminutive brunette was sporting a white apron with legally sweet embroidered across the front, the name of her shop and a hat tip to her thirty plus years at the Ashtabula County Sheriffs Office.She started working as a cook in the sheriffs department when the youngest of her three children was five years old It was the same job her mother had.But Smith wanted .So she went back to school for criminal law while she worked as a cook in the courthouse She then moved over to dispatch and then up through the ranks in the sheriffs department until she made deputy, all the while raising her three children with her husband, an electrician for Millennium Inorganic Chemicalsone of the last big blue collar employers in the once mighty manufacturing county of Ashtabula, wedged between the shore of Lake Erie and the Pennsylvania state line, northeast of Cleveland.Smith was raised a Democrat, her parents were Democrats, she is married to a Democrat, and she worked for elected Democratic sheriffs in a county that had not voted a Republican into local office for as long as anyone you find can remember.Until 2016, that is, when Ashtabula picked Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton and swept in a local ticket of Republicans underneath him.Bonnie Smith was one of the unlikely participants in that unforeseen realignment that happened across the Great Lakes region in hundreds of communities like Ashtabula County, flipping Michigan, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Iowa into the Republican side of the electoral college after serving as what journalist Ron Brownstein dubbed the reliable industrial Democratic Blue Wall for decades.1How Democratic was Smith, and how recently In March 2016, she voted for Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in the Ohio primary contest Voting Republican wasnt even on the table for her, until suddenly it was, just a few months later.I am not sure what happened, but I started to look around me, and my town and my county, and I thought, You know what I am just not in the mood any to just show up and vote for who my party tells me I have to vote for, she says.She was not alone Ashtabula County had given its votes to John Kerry, Al Gore, Bill Clinton, and Michael Dukakis It gave Barack Obama a 55percent majority share of its vote twicebefore turning 180 degrees to prefer Trump over Hillary Clinton by a margin of 57percent to 38percent, a 31 point swing from one election to the next.At first look, the numerical magnitude of Ashtabulas swing, in a nation presumed frozen in partisan polarization, is what seems notable At second look, the remarkable aspect is just how common that kind of change was in 2016 in the states that make up the Rust Belt.Thirty five counties in Ohio, long the nations premier presidential bellwether, swung 25 or points from 2012 to 2016 Twenty three counties in Wisconsin, thirty two counties in Iowa, and twelve counties in Michigan switched from Obama to Trump in the space of four years.With few exceptions, these places are locales where most of Americas decision makers and opinion leaders have never been Trump only carried 3 of the nations 44 mega counties, places with than one million in population, and only 41 of the countrys 129 extra large counties with than 400,000 but less than one million Those 173 sizable counties are home to 54percent of the U.S population, and in 135 of them Trump even lagged behind the net margin performance of losing 2012 GOP nominee Mitt Romney Trump crawled out of that mathematical hole in the all but forgotten communitiesthousands of them.It took a lot of Bonnie Smiths, in a lot of places like Ashtabula County, to wreck political expectationsand if their political behavior in 2016 becomes an affiliation and not a dalliance, they have the potential to realign the American political construct and perhaps the countrys commercial and cultural presumptions as well.For Smith, who lives with her husband, George, on a working farm in nearby Saybrook, the political tipping pointeven than the job losses and the decay of the areawas a result of her faith and her growing disconnect on cultural issues from the candidates she had previously supported.I had looked the other way for far too long, had accepted that I was supposed to be modern in my views when I wasnt comfortable with the views my party started to take, Smith says, making clear that this was a difficult decision to have made and to discuss publicly And I took a stand for myself, my beliefs, for life, and for my country.She says she also took a stand for her community All of this decay has happened under their the Democrats watch.The shopping district where Legally Sweet sits is struggling a Family Dollar store is around the corner, and the majestic Ashtabula County courthouse, where she worked for years, is across the street Shuttered businesses dot both sides of the street.The town closes up about three oclock on the weekdays and, like, one oclock on Saturday Theres nothing here The people come in and youre making it but youre not You know Youve got enough to skimp by for the next day, but thats it, she says.The statistics on the areas own economic development website paint a picture of an Ashtabula County stuck in transition and trying to creatively reinvent itself to get out of the Great Recession, from which the wealthier America on the East and West coasts recovered years ago As of May 2016, the local economic partnership wrote that the countys employed workforce level was still stuck under 42,000 peoplenearly the same figure as at the bottom of the national recession in 2010, a fall from 46,000 in its pre recession high.2 Nationally, the number of employed Americans had bounced back to pre recession levels by 2014.3The physical reality of the countys industrial footprint tells the same story Empty, idle, hulking coal fired power plants line the lakeshore, and the docks that once attracted waves of Italian and Scandinavian immigrants to unload coal and iron ore now see little activity The countys population, according to the Census Bureaus 2016 estimates, is 98,231, almost exactly what it was after the 1970 census, a span that saw the country as a whole grow by 59percent.4A Democrat for decades, Smith didnt quite know what to expect when she went home one day and told George she was thinking about supporting Trump He told her he was already there So there was that, she says, laughing.wAmericas political experts, from party leaders to political science professors to journalists to pundits, did not expect the Smiths, or enough people like them, to vote for Donald Trump Virtually every political and media expert missed the potential of Donald Trump because they based their electoral calculus on assumptions that they hadnt bothered to check since the last presidential election To recognize the potential of the Trump coalition, analysts would have had to visit places they had stopped visiting and listen to people they had stopped listening to.I am kind of that voter that was hiding in plain sight that no one saw coming I was right here all along Ive seen the job losses here, the rise in crime, the meth and heroin problem, society essentially losing hope something just gave in with me, Bonnie Smith says.The political experts called the 2016 election wrongnot because they took too few polls or studied too many census trends, but because they assumed American elections were immune to the same changes wreaking havoc in every other part of American society. is in the process of destroying Walmart and what is left of Main Street at the same time Streaming services such as Netflix and YouTube are fragmenting and democratizing the creation and delivery of video entertainment Person to person payment systems like PayPal and Venmo, and crowd sourced funding communities like GoFundMe and Kickstarter, are reshaping the movement of private capital In virtually every sphere of American society, institutional loyalty and expert filtering are being discarded in favor of direct communication and deliberate silo ing Similarly, Donald Trumps electoral coalition is smashing both American political parties and the previously impenetrable political news media, often in spite of Trump himself.In the wake of the 2016 election surprise, the political experts have continued to blow itlooking to predict the coming demise of the president without pausing to consider the durability of the trends and winds that swept him into office Even if Netflix disappears, traditional cable providers will never have the monopolistic hold on viewers they did twenty years ago Similarly, after Trump, traditional political parties will not have the same sway with voters theyve had for past election cycles.The history of the American electorate is not a litany of flukes instead it is a cycle of tectonic plategrinding, punctuated by a landscape altering earthquake every generation or so This movement is not dissimilar to that of any other American consumer category it should come as no surprise that electoral choices float and change in the same manner as other voluntary behaviors in the most open and dynamic market in the world.Analysts of consumer product marketing make a distinction between category killers and category builders Disruptive brands that merely reorient a single category are category killers think Miller Lite beer, or diet soda Meanwhile, products that are category builders do , starting an entirely new marketplace think Federal Express or Apples iPad.Political analysts across the spectrum have given Trump credit for being a category killer, reshaping Republican politics in his image But the characteristics of his rise and the unique new coalition he fused in the Rust Belt argue that he should be viewed as a category builder, the first success of a coalition that is not likely to soon separate.Employing direct marketing to the consumer instead of relying on referrals is a hallmark of category builders Trumps favored message delivery mechanisms Twitter, dominance of cable news even when it required self stoked controversy, and television friendly rallies not only cut against the normal practices of the professional campaign industry, they enabled him to outflank, and simultaneously own, his critics in the news media as well Trump used the red hot scrutiny of journalists to polarize and galvanize a plurality of voters in primary after primary, and then in the general elections key battlegrounds.Attacking all existing brands with equal ease and success is another trait of category builders Trump drove a wedge between voters and the existing brands simultaneously, making the case that both parties were incapable of delivering his attributes Trumps campaign was arguably the least partisan in recent memory because from the start he aimed his fire at both political trenches By Election Day, Trump had vanquished not only the stale institutional hierarchy of the Democratic and Republican parties, exemplified perfectly by the gasping legacy brands of Jeb Bush and Hillary Clinton, but the entire national press corps as well.5In his first campaign announcement speech in the lobby of Trump Tower in June 2016, Trump said Ive watched the politicians They will never make America great again They dont even have a chance Theyre controlled fullytheyre controlled fully by the lobbyists, by the donors, and by the special interests, fully.6 Trump, previewing his stamina for a slashing campaign that would leave him with few elected allies, said, This is going to be an election thats based on competence, because people are tired of these nice people And theyre tired of being ripped off by everybody in the world.Trump bore out his differentiation on the primary campaign trail for a year through Iowa, New Hampshire, South Carolina, and subsequent primaries, even creating a months long melodrama around the prospect that he might mount a third party bid if his effort at the GOP nomination was thwarted Trump deftly used Republican elites, exemplified by the well off and well connected backers of Jeb Bush and Mitt Romney, as foils, even daring to attack the donor heavy, in person audiences sitting just feet from him at the GOPs primary debates What struck many as thin skinned rants turned out to be brand building, proving to Trumps most loyal followers that he was a different kind of Republican, one that wasnt much of a Republican at all.For nearly a century, American politics has put the New Deal coalition of government takers on one side, opposed by the fusion of affluence and evangelicalism of the modern Republican Party The coalition that elected Donald Trumpand the one that opposed himfit neither of those blueprints.James Carville, the architect of the first Clinton campaign in 1992, famously said that after five Republican victories in the prior six presidential elections, he and the Clinton team engineering what was then a novel Democratic victory didnt find the key to the electoral lock here We just picked it.7The question of whether Trumps unconventional bid merely picked the lock of a different era of Republican politics or whether his new fusion of populism with conservatism is a remaking of the American political axis entirely, is a central question of this book.wAny discussion of the populist conservative Trump coalition has to start with crude demography, because that winning coalition of voters was not one anyone in politics considered to be a possibility.In the wake of two crushing Republican presidential defeats, the mantra that More White Votes Alone Wont Save the GOP8 was an article of faith and the headline of a 2013 piece in the Wall Street Journal by uber strategist Karl Rove The Republican National Committees postmortem of Mitt Romneys loss to Barack Obama in 2012 concluded the same thing in many pages of copy, bathed in census information The nations demographic changes add to the urgency of recognizing how precarious our position has become, wrote the authors of the widely cited report.9Even neutral pundits such as The Cook Political Reports Dave Wasserman postulated that its no wonder that some pundits have suggested Democrats have an emerging stranglehold on the Electoral College.10Democratic strategists echoed this theory, and it underpinned every strategic decision they made Fresh off their second consecutive presidential victory by a wide margin with Barack Obama carrying their banner, Democratic campaign pros were confident of their new enduring majority Veteran journalist Ron Brownstein of The Atlantic dubbed this new amalgam of fast growing demographic groups such as Latinos, socially liberal young voters, energized African American voters, and left leaning women as the coalition of the ascendant, and the moniker stuck.11In 2015, the liberal think tank Center for American Progress wrote a de facto obituary of the GOP For years Republicans could rely on white votersand, in particular, working class whitesto constitute a decisive proportion of the electorate and deliver victory This is no longer the case.12It was a mantra Republican mega donors, suffering with post traumatic stress syndrome from Romneys loss, were eager to advance They pushed freshman senator Marco Rubios proposal to reform immigration laws and create a pathway to legality for the than ten million illegal immigrants in the United States They backed RNC chairman Reince Priebuss remaking of the partys staff structure around the concept of year round field staff outreach to minority communities, instead of saving up dollars for advertising in the last weeks of the election season This article of faith quickly spawned an order of clergy, the political operatives who enforced discipline around the post Romney takeaway the only possible winning future Republican coalition must, by dint of math, become less white, less old, less rural, and educated.But quietly, many conservative data nerds began to analyze exit polling data from the 2012 election and drew a different conclusion They saw signs that Romney had not fully exercised his own voting base on Election Day One of the first among these analysts was Sean Trende, who writes for the popular polling aggregation website RealClearPolitics.com Just days after the election, Trende calculated that the Romney Obama election might have included fewer than 91million white voters, down from the 98million who had participated just four years before, while African American and Hispanic raw voter numbers increased slightly The Democrats insistence on the inevitable rising power of minority voters was premature, according to Trende, and not an explanation for Romneys loss In other words, the reason this electorate looked so different from the 2008 electorate is almost entirely attributable to white voters staying home, Trende wrote.13Notably, Trende did not hail from, or work for, the Republican Partys committee based power structure in Washington, freeing him to suggest that Romney, beloved in the inner sanctums of professional GOP politics, had failed, rather than been failed by, the electorate available to him.Trende, and those who furthered his analysis, were widely derided by Official Washington.Romneys strategists, including veteran adman Stuart Stevens, regularly shot back at theories like Trendes, saying, The myth survives that there are these masses of untapped white voters just waiting for the right candidates.14But at least one person in the political pantheon of the country was listening Donald Trump.From the start of his campaign, Trump crafted an issues matrix that was as far from Romneys as one could be and still fit nominally under the Republican tent The capitalist free trade consensus that Romney, Clinton, and every Bush on the national scene had endorsed was ridiculed by Trump, even in his announcement speech.The problem with free trade is you need really talented people to negotiate for you Free trade can be wonderful if you have smart people, but we have people that are stupid, Trump said in his announcement speech We have people that arent smart And we have people controlled by special interests.15Attacking trade and multinational agreements was at the core of Trumps campaignand a linchpin for his antiestablishment coalitionfrom the start Trump assailed U.S agreements with China just minutes after he descended the escalator for his debut as a candidate, in the second paragraph of his announcement speech, saying, We used to have victories, but we dont have them When was the last time anybody saw us beating, lets say, China in a trade deal They kill us.16And he segued seamlessly into his second primary angle on the topic, and one suited to the Republican primary audience, illegal immigration When do we beat Mexico at the border Trump asked Theyre laughing at us, at our stupidity And now they are beating us economically They are not our friend, believe me But theyre killing us economically The U.S has become a dumping ground for everyone elses problems.17Trumps nationalist argument was economically pragmatic from the start, devoid of the ideological language of the trench warfare that had stalemated presidential politics for the preceding thirty five years Treated as a gadfly when he dropped into the race, the uniqueness of Trumps opening argument was largely unnoticed Since the Reagan era, virtually every Republican presidential aspirant until Trump had made arguments with a coherent libertarian antigovernment ideology at its core, the intellectual heirs to failed 1964 nominee Barry Goldwater, waging war on behalf of the international private sector against the creep of socialistic government Republicanism itself became consumed with the big government versus small government argument Trumps premise rested on a different axis and picked different battles.Trumps announcement speech spanned 6,342 words, and not one of them was conservative or liberal But the speech was not devoid of issues Saving a few odd rambles into commentary on his personal wealth and his business trophies, Trump homed in on the themes that would animate his seventeen month campaign infrastructure spending, immigration reform and a wall on the southern border, protection of Medicare and Social Security benefits, a proactive and ruthless approach to the Islamic State terrorists, an unyielding support for Second Amendment gun rights, and a pledge to use the White Houses bully pulpit to shame American corporations into on shoring future manufacturing jobs.Trumps populism found an immediate positive reception in both curmudgeonly New Hampshire and the antiestablishment South, setting him up for key early primary victories, overpowering the conservative appeals of his rivals And than just setting the pace in the primary phase, Trump gained a foothold with the same rural and industrial voters in economically challenged Rust Belt states who had either stuck with Obama in 2012 or stayed at home.These voters represented the last, and most overlooked, clause in Brownsteins description of the coalition of the ascendant The subhead of Brownsteins dispatch coining the moniker in November 2012 said A combination of the young, minorities, and women joined with just enough blue collar Midwestern whites to put the president over the top.18Without Trumps victories over a crowded field in New Hampshire and South Carolina, he likely never would have been able to overcome the mass of elite donors aligned against him And without the twin sympathetic platforms of Twitter and live rally speeches on Fox News, which spoke directly to the non Republican voters in forgotten small and midsized communities in rural Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa, he certainly never would have won the general election.Trumps candidacy would not only defy conventional labeling the coalition it attracted would be forged on an entirely new axis, welding together the conservative bloc that had become almost chemically opposed to Hillary Clinton with an emerging populist cohort that voted based on its assessment of its own economic and cultural condition, when it bothered to vote at all.A few observers in the center left press toyed with the mathematical possibilities presented by Trumps appeal, but ultimately could not project its efficacy.Data loving columnist Nate Cohn of The New York Times wrote, presciently, in the summer of 2016, Whatever you think of DonaldJ Trump, it is clear that this election has the potential to reshape the allegiances of many white working class voters who have traditionally sided with the Democrats and many well educated voters who have sided with the Republicans The potential for him to break through among white working class voters isnt merely theoretical There are white working class voters than is generally believed, and Mr Obama was stronger among these voters than typically assumed.19But by November, Cohn had talked himself out of the radically correct projection of the Trump coalition that he had made five months before On election morning, Cohns team of data modelers at the Times gave Clinton an 85percent shot to win the election, and Trump only an 11percent chance to win Pennsylvania, a 7percent chance to win Wisconsin, and a 6percent chance to win Michigan.20The architecture of this new coalition, essentially a realignment, was made possible by technological changes that Trump was the first to fully exploit The Internet, and the rise of social medias prominence in reporting, has made the national landscape of journalism both fragmented and pack oriented at the same time The rise of Twitter and other aggregators, such as DrudgeReport.com, have empowered consumers to pick and choose not just their favorite news outlets but favorite individual reporters and commentators The prevalence of aggregators and the ubiquity of Twitter use among writers and editors has created a national virtual newsroom, simultaneously giving every journalist an instant feedback loop on the stories their competitors are chasing, incentivizing them to do the same.Trumps preference for making his newsworthyand often outlandish and almost always candidstatements via his Twitter account enabled him both to speak directly to his audience and to command the full attention, and agenda, of the press corps That dominance of the spotlight, even when the spotlight turned negative, was a crucial component of Trumps primary victory in a crowded field subject to a ruthlessly low campaign donation limit of 2,700 per person If every candidates ability to advertise is limited artificially by legal donation caps, then the candidate with the most free media attention, however harsh it might be, has an advantage Trumps ability to go around the filter of analysts was even critical because his coalition was novel.Had Trumps candidacy arisen in an earlier era, with just three networks and two wire services dominating and imposing a rigorous traditional filter on information reaching the consumer, his paradigm bursting message might never have gotten through to its intended audience.But in the age of the smartphone, Trumps audience could not only find him, and recirculate his content to their peers on Twitter and Facebook it could organically grow large enough to fuel the ratings success that made him a dominant presence on the cable news shows throughout the Republican primary process, starving a dozen major GOP candidates of any spotlight at all.Even voices in the proud New York Times newsroom now cede that Facebook, not the Old Gray Lady itself, now drives the national conversation with the horsepower of its search traffic and algorithms providing traditional media its best chance to be seen Measured by web traffic, ad revenue and influence over the way the rest of the media makes money, Facebook has grown into the most powerful force in the news industry, wrote Times media columnist Farhad Manjoo in the heat of the 2016 campaign.21By the midway point of the GOP nomination process in March 2016, when Trump had romped through the early primaries to become the clear frontrunner, the analytics firm mediaQuant and The New York Times calculated that Trump had earned 1.9billion dollars worth of exposure on news programs, nearly triple the amount Hillary Clinton had received to that point and six times the amount of his closest Republican rival, Senator Ted Cruz, or Democratic challenger Senator Bernie Sanders.22Trump got booked onto cable news shows because he was good for ratingsdriving eyeballs to morning gabfests like Fox Friends and MSNBCs Morning Joe, and evening staples like Foxs Hannity Conservative commentators and hosts who bucked Trump saw their ratings drop, while those who gave him an audience saw their ratings soar.23Trump deliberately used this muscle of his loyal audience to incentivize favorable coverage for his campaign, punishing hosts and outlets critical of him and rewarding those who gave him free rein An extended spat between the candidate and Fox News Channels Megyn Kelly, in which Trump hurled what most observers saw as crude, thinly veiled sexist slurs at the prime time host after her questions during the first GOP primary debate, in August 2015, led to a temporary Trump boycott of the entire network.When Foxs brass caved in the standoff and subtly picked a newsmaker over its own on air talent, Trump returned to its airwaves and brought his ratings back with him.24 Trump dominated the pregame and postgame coverage of the Republican debates, which drew ratings previously unseen in nomination contests Trump even dominated coverage of the two debates he skipped, including one in the week before the first nomination votes were cast in the Iowa caucus.25As Trumps star and his TV ratings rose in the Republican nomination process, he drew the fire of the partys intelligentsia, mostly expressed in the print media.Magazines such as The Weekly Standard and National Review, long house organs of the ideological Right, devoted entire issues to making the case against Trumps ideological apostasy.With the Iowa caucuses and the onset of the actual nomination process less than two weeks away in late January 2016, the editors of National Review pleaded with American conservatives to reject Trump and his hybrid message of populism fused to rhetoric that appealed in tone, if not in substance, to the rebellious conservative heart Donald Trump is a menace to American conservatism who would take the work of generations and trample it underfoot in behalf of a populism as heedless and crude as the Donald himself, wrote the magazines editors.26The Weekly Standards founding editor, Bill Kristol, an influential Republican thinker for decades since his days on the staff of Vice President Dan Quayle, remained a Trump critic from the earliest primaries throughout the fall election, penning articles with titles ranging from Donald J Obama as Trump was sewing up the nomination in April to Dump Trump Now More than Ever a month before the general election.27Kristols last pre election piece, on the eve of voting in November, titled A Populist Nationalist Right No Thanks , pointed squarely at Trumps realigning of the consensus on the American political Right Kristols rational laments pointed not only to the lack of ideological coherence of his partys nominee, but to an angst that perhaps the voters among the electoral coalition of the Right were suddenly interested in triumph than tribe.The pleas of the Washington conservative salons urging the base to eschew Trumps often crudely expressed ideological apostasy leapt from the theoretical to the pragmatic in the final month of the campaign.On a Friday night in early October 2016, The Washington Post released a video recording of a lewd behind the scenes conversation between Trump and television host Billy Bush in which Trump talked obscenely of grabbing women by the genitals.The revelations, and the nonstop media frenzy they triggered, pushed many Republican leaders who had reluctantly held on to their partys unconventional nominee to finally let go of the ropefrom dozens of congressmen to the chair of the Republican Governors Association, Governor Bill Haslam R TN , to 2008 presidential nominee Senator John McCain R AZ , to embattled rising stars Senator Kelly Ayotte R NH and Representative Joe Heck R NV , with McCain, Ayotte, and Heck engaged in difficult Senate campaigns.28The fallout from the tape brought prominent conservative women who had thus far kept silent on Trump to step out in opposition to him, from former secretary of state Condoleezza Rice to popular evangelist Beth Moore, who chastised male Christian leaders still clinging to Trump Try to absorb how acceptable the disesteem and objectifying of women has been when some Christian leaders dont think its that big a deal, Beth Moore said, joined by Dr Russell Moore, the leading political voice of the nations largest Protestant denomination, the Southern Baptist Convention, who announced he could support neither Trump nor Clinton.29 Russell Moore chastised Protestant evangelical leaders who stuck with Trump Convictional evangelicals who are pro life and pro family know Hillary Clinton is not with us and we cannot go that way but that doesnt mean we have to follow another way that is reckless and horrible Many of the people who for years have warned us about situational ethics and moral relativism are now asking us to practice it.30Pollsters on both sides of the political aisle predicted a record low performance for Trump in the looming election among women, the college educated, and the religiously pious, hollowing out any potential Republican majority and imperiling down ballot candidates as well Journalist Ron Brownstein summed up the angst of Republican handicappers in a column released the weekend the scandal broke, entitled How Trump Could Become a Political Black Hole for the GOP, delineating a consensus fear among party strategists that Trump might not only go down, but take scores of other Republican candidates with him.31But when the votes were counted it was not Trump who was a black hole for Republicans, but rather opposition to Trump.Heck, who before his renunciation of Trump held a small but steady lead in his Senate race in Nevada, wound up losing by a slightly wider margin than Trump lost Nevada to Clinton Ayotte was similarly unable to separate from Trump, losing by just over 100 votes in New Hampshire, a state Trump lost by 3,000 out of 700,000 cast.32Trumps coalition on Election Day obliterated the article of faith among experts in both parties that a Republican could not win largely on the strength of his margins among white voters.It is possible that no other candidate in the 2016 Republican field could have assembled that coalition, precisely because too many of the partys thinkers and donors were wedded to the inaccurate, quasi religious belief that the GOPs existing demographic base could not stretch far enough to encompass a winning coalition in 2016 The Trump campaign, devoid of any donors in its earliest stages and including few of the partys Washington based strategists, was untethered to the totems that constrained the Romney and McCain campaignsa blind fear of expressing skepticism about trade deals, an unwillingness to take an edgy approach to border security, and an inability to use the unpolished language that could inspire confidence in the GOPs most unreliable and skeptical voters.Trumps candidacy proved that a radical reshaping of the axis of decision making, from one of ideology to one fusing aspiration with agitation, could build a governing majority in the electoral collegesomething short of a national majority or even a plurality, but than enough in both traditional swing states like Ohio and Florida, and the Blue Wall of Democrat dominated states in the Great Lakes region.In assembling his new Republican margin in the critical Rust Belt states carried by ObamaPennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Iowa, and WisconsinTrump built a robust new voter base that included the ideological secular Republican conservatives that Kristol and the editors of National Review sought to dissuade, far evangelicals than Russell Moore hoped for, and millions women and college educated men than pollsters predicted.In this book, we will explore seven archetypes of the most surprising voters who make up Trumps coalitionvoters who broke ranks to back Trump and voters who by all expectations should have broken ranks to desert him, based on the course the campaign took.We will focus on the voters that Trumps novel argumentcoinciding with the decade long leftward cultural drift of the Democratsbrought into the Republican fold, and those who stuck with him when their demographics indicated they might not Some stayed with Trump, or were attracted to him, because of his platform, others because of their opposition to Hillary Clinton, others because of his polarizing style.The specific voters who exemplify these seven archetypes of the Trump coalition and are profiled here were discovered in ten pivotal counties in the five Great Lakes states that tipped the electoral college to Donald Trump Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa All ten of these counties had been in President Barack Obamas column in 2012, and most of them gave Trump a larger margin than any other Republican in this era.From farm counties in Iowa and Wisconsin, to the suburbs of Detroit, to fading industrial centers on the shores of Lake Erie and the Mississippi, we spent time in diners, watering holes, bed and breakfasts, and coffee shops, finding Trump voters where they live and work We avoided interstates and chain restaurants, looking for the places that make these communities authentic so we could better trace the journey of the voters who shook the American political system.Our reporting was supported by empirical data analysis and survey research The Great Revolt Survey was conducted exclusively for this book The survey was fielded by the respected Republican opinion research firm OnMessage Inc in August 2017, among a group of 2,000 self reporting 2016 Trump voters, with 400 each coming from Ohio, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Iowa, and Wisconsin.Some of these archetypes fit the familiar portraits of lower income whites painted by journalists routinely since the election, but far are hidden in plain sight and emblematic of wide swaths of voters who analysts least expected to find in Trumps column.To understand the potential staying power of this new populist conservative coalition, and to decide if its marginal elements are likely to ever return to voting Democratic in future elections, one must walk with these voters, in their own places and within the imperfect textures of their angst and aspirations.This is the story of the people behind the electoral earthquake.Salena Zito is unique a truth telling reporter who found the America that elected Donald Trump She listened to them Understands them Respects them Not only did she get the election right, but by employing the lost art of shoe leather journalism, she uncovered an amazing national political realignment that wasand still iscompletely invisible to the Wizards of Smart who inhabit our distant capital Whenever I see her byline, I stop and read I know it will be that good You should, too Dont doubt me Rush Limbaugh While Donald Trump s election shocked the Washington establishment,Salena Zito andBradToddshow that his coalition was hidden in plain sight Far from a basket of deplorables, they re the forgotten men and women of America, people who work with their hands and on their feet, and who want a government that rewards their work and respects their communities Zito andToddtell their story, and anyone interested in American politics would do well to listen Senator Tom Cotton Salena Zito picked up on a political phenomenon long before polls or pundits had any idea of what was happening Her drives from Pittsburgh to Cleveland opened her eyes about the rise of Trump and her shoe leather reporting and skills as a journalist helped her understand why Her voice channeling and explaining these voters is invaluable for the Trump era Jake TapperIf you want a fuller understanding of the political moment were in, and you should, you read Salena Zito I mean this both literally and seriously.Peggy Noonan A remarkable book The Washington Post People struggling to understand what is happening in American politics would do well to read this fascinating book co written by one of the first journalists to see what was happening to a key slice of the electorate the white working class in the upper Midwest The Associated Press An entertaining and informative study of Trump s unexpected victory National Review Adelicious mix of quantitative and qualitative data analysis regarding the 2016 election cycle The Federalist Syndicated columnist Salena Zito and GOP strategist Brad Todd find well educated voters were likely to shift left if they lived in communities that had disproportionately high levels of educationZito and Todd argue that disparity is evidence that social pressures are driving both groups toward political homogeny The Hill Reading the words of the farmers, gun toting women, former union bosses and others who found their way to Trump, you get the feeling that Zito s and Todd s blue collar, flyover country roots opened doors and hearts that might have remained closed to some big city reporters The revealing conversations peel back the layers of a complicated American onion Courier Journal Ms Zito and Mr Todd have done a service by portraying Trump Nation in a way that goes beyond either academic data crunching or breathless coverage of presidential rallies Pittsburgh Post GazetteEmpathy might be what Zito and Todd convey best, profiling voters in Iowa, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, and Wisconsin to bring President Trumps oft misunderstood coalition to life Relying on survey data, Zito and Todd outline seven archetypes of the most surprising voters Trump attracted, fleshing out each category with compelling voter interviews that make the numbers easier to understand Washington Examiner Most of the national pundit class has tried to explain the rise of Trump voters by pointing to racism, or economic resentment, or racism, or cultural change, or even, you know, racism as an explanation But Salena Zito and Brad Todd tried something different They went to those voters and asked them.in two ways Face to face, in a series of deep and sensitive interviews, and en masse in a large opinion survey Both inquiries produced a lot of useful material that both Democrats and Republicans would be well advised to study and internalize USA TodayKey reading for DemocratsThe authors paint a portrait of Trumps base that is not standard GOP issue, and a Democratic partly overly reliant upon its upstairs downstairs bicoastal coalition The Guardian A valuable readUnlike most retellings of the 2016 election, The Great Revolt provides a cohesive, non wide eyed argument about where the Republican Party could be headed The Atlantic A probing work of political reporting mixed with quantitative research and trenchant analysis The American Conservative A story almost as big but yet to be told is a true assessment of the people who made someone distinctly unlike them in many ways but so akin to them in others the next president of the United States The Winchester Star One cant help but to come away from reading The Great Revolt without feeling that the clash of communities reflected in the narratives did not end on Election Night 2016 RealClearPolitics The Great Revolt is a must read for anyone who wants to understand the Trump phenomenon and its potential to reshape the course of American politics Commercial Appeal The mighty Trump voter gets some significant analysisrevealing the authentic spirit and iron willed determination of some 63 million voters who brought President Trump victory Washington Times The Great Revolt features profiles of Trump voters, polling data and an examination of the votes It is chock full of fascinating detail and insightful interviews with Trump voters Knoxville News Sentinel Reading the words of the farmers, gun toting women, former union bosses and others who found their way to Trump, you get the feeling that Zitos and Todds blue collar, flyover country roots opened doors and hearts that might have remained closed to some big city reporters Bowling Green Daily News The Great Revolt astutely breaks down Trumps coalition and brings to life its motivation The Clarion Ledger Zito and Todd show a keen understanding of voter sentiment and do not condescend to their subjects White working class swing voters have generally been characterized as resentful, ignorant, and often racist, but Zito and Todd describe thoughtful men and women who made a deliberate and sometimes fraught decision to support Trump City Journal Ms Zito and Mr Todd have given some pivotal Trump voters a better opportunity to be understood The Garden City News The Great Revolt CE Jewish Virtual Library The Jews against Rome in led to one of the greatest catastrophes life and, retrospect, might well have been a terrible mistake No could argue with for wanting throw off Roman rule Since Romans had first occupied Israel BCE their grown and onerousFrom Peasants Revolt, also called Wat Tyler s Rebellion or Rising, was major uprising across large parts England revolt various causes, including socio economic political tensions generated by Black Death s, high taxes resulting from conflict France during Hundred YearsJUST REPORTER Salena Zito National reporter, mom, grandma, avid cyclist, hiker, history geek lover Blue Highway Road Trips Baseball isn t just game SalenaZito SalenaZito Twitter In circumstances higher education today, there really is this oppressive concern ideological solidarity comfort that comes having your Salena Zito Washington Examiner Click here view media clips Morning Media Profile saw Trump POLITICO This item originally appeared November, edition When took buyout Pittsburgh Tribune Review over summer, she may not expected fires back at attacks on her journalism Sep , ANALYSIS OPINION If measure journalist vehemence, vitriol, histrionics partisans unhappy unassailable facts revealed work, then has Articles Political Columnist Commentator Main Street national who offers insights American system, public, prominent figures leaders About Creators Syndicate held long, successful career as reporter Born bred Pittsburgh, worked Tribute years On how my neighbor maligns half America analyst, editorial page columnist She reported Pennsylvania politics Weekly Standard A board member Center Public Policy Heritage Foundation honed skills working campaigns George HW Bush, Senator Rick Santorum, Bush All Stories Atlantic writer based written Standard, Foundation, Taking Seriously, Not Literally Justin Merriman PITTSBURGH Running president very important endeavor, Donald said What important, right Atlantic Author RealClearPolitics Sign up RC newsletters RealClearPolitics Go full site ovaliatemar SalenaZitoTrib latest Tweets ovaliatemar Tweet location You can add information Tweets, such city precise location, Cohen Manafort convictions won make dent Democratic blue wave will start Let get real about Beto O Rourke winning Texas Twitter trolls attacking work are all wrong Five midterm races watch US Chamber Commerce born raised Examiner, an enterprise New York, CNN contributor, host Take Neither Seriously Nor On Aug supposed be telling you it actually There two lines attack straightforward accusation makes stuff election happens, days agoIf re looking swing district America, newly created Western th Congressional District where take Democrats Inside Populist Coalition Reshaping Zito, newspaper yearsSince joined York Post, acts staff Examiner book excerpt former World Tower doorman claims knowledge alleged love child President reportedly released his contact Inc prohibited Post Read articles Post YAAAS QUEEN refuses bullied vicious mob TROLLS, defends EPIC thread Posted pm August Sam J Share Facebook Wikipedia, Husband, Bio, Wiki, Age, Married journalist, most known interviewed many Presidents Vice presidents st Century Family Background Personal Life September Truth Finally Catches Up With Both Siderism Above From our archives, normalizes voters, July As we discussed lit rary criticism portion little blog middle Middle Beltway hot new genre something I call Magic Ruralism Brad Todd Standout syndicated contributor veteran Republican strategist Todd, reports five states miles answer pressing question Was fluke did represent fundamental shift electorate Elvis Cousin Worries That Other Pro Have Left AM opinions expressed columnists own do views Townhall Trending Kurt Schlichter Why Voters Supported Times Jun columnist, consultant, use polling firm identify seven categories voters collar Resurgent Gathering, talked populist movement United States meeting conservatives Austin, ,called Gathering Her recent Facebook temporarily bans pro NY says removed column published explaining Midwestern support controversy, explained Vox before fall local following, benefited rise way few others made name herself Explains How To Understand thefederalist Selena book, essential reading those understand got elected The Great Revolt: Inside the Populist Coalition Reshaping American Politics

 

    • The Great Revolt: Inside the Populist Coalition Reshaping American Politics
    • 4.2
    • 458
    • Format Kindle
    • 1524763683
    • Salena Zito
    • Anglais
    • 01 October 2016

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